Legal Pluralism – A Primer

A number of my previous blog postings made extensive reference to the buzzword “legal pluralism” which one finds abound in contemporary legal literature. Instances of legal pluralism can be found in the recent debate on faith-based arbitration in Ontario, in the Beth Din courts of New York, and in the family law structure of the Philippines.[1] A discussion on the very term “legal pluralism” is important so that its underlying assumptions can be uncovered and scrutinized rather than passing the relevant discussion unnoticed.

I. Defining Legal Pluralism

At its core, the concept of legal pluralism serves two purposes. The first purpose is to discredit the doctrine of legal centralism. Griffith’s seminal paper on legal pluralism defined the ideology of legal centralism as a claim that “law is and should be the law of the state, uniform for all persons, exclusive of all other law, and administered by a single set of state institutions”.[2] The state thus holds a monopoly over the administration of law, and is the sole source of legitimizing authority as to what constitutes “law”. Legal centralism follows a liberal conception where “state institutions operate according to strict principles of equality and neutrality”,[3] based on the assumption that state law is logically coherent.[4] According to legal pluralists, legal centralism is conceptually parasitic to the development of descriptive theories of the law, since it establishes an a priori notion of the desirable state of affairs.[5] As its second…

Continue reading this entry ➔

Legal Pluralism in Afghanistan Revisited: From Theory to Practice

In one of my earlier blogs focusing on Afghanistan, I spoke about the possibility of reconciling the various systems which exert authority within the country. The next question that arises is what this actually mean for Afghanistan.

Framework for Navigating Normative Variations

In moving from theory to practice, it may be most fruitful to take a step back from the various abstract and, at times, esoteric discussions of legal pluralists – a discussion based in legal anthropology – and step into the shoes of the practicing lawyer. The realities she faces day-to-day shed light on the task of navigating through competing normative realities. The writing of Professor Singer, in this regard, is particularly insightful:

Many philosophers seek theories that dissolve incommensurabilities by appealing to higher order norms or metatheories that provide rational priorities among competing values. Lawyers and judges and law makers, on the other hand, are rarely beguiled by monistic theories. We make utilitarian arguments; we talk about rights, justice, fairness; we are concerned to define the appropriate institutional role for judges in a free and democratic society; we tell the story; we resort to process to solve substantive problems. Moreover, we are skeptical about the ability of rigid priority rules to determine just outcomes in specific cases. In short, we use multiple normative strategies, unashamed that we are unable to find killer arguments that put all normative controversies to bed or…

Continue reading this entry ➔

Balancing liberty and security

The balance between individual liberties and national security was the subject of much discussion at the first-ever Symposium on Counter-Terrorism and Civil Liberties last week at McGill University’s Faculty of Law. The conference, co-hosted by the Human Rights Working Group, the Arab Law Students Association, the Muslim Law Students Association, the Comparative Constitutional Law Society, and the Centre for Human Rights and Legal Pluralism, brought together prominent policy-makers, practitioners, academics, and members of the public for an engaging series of lectures and panel discussions.

The panels revolved around three central themes: the securitization of immigration policy, the role of civilian oversight of intelligence and security agencies, and Canadian intelligence cooperation with the United States in the war on terror. The challenge from the point of view of the organizers was to avoid creating a “false dichotomy” between security and civil liberties. While panelists approached the issues from a wide range of perspectives, all acknowledged the seriousness of both the threat of terrorism and the erosion of constitutionally-protected freedoms, and proposed various mechanisms for bridging the two. “We have to recognize that it is the responsibility of states to ensure that citizens are able to exercise their rights,” said Paul Kennedy, former chair of the Commission of Public Complaints against the RCMP, “terrorism is a direct attack, a direct threat, on those very rights and freedoms. The challenge for the state is to craft…

Continue reading this entry ➔

Islamic Hardliners Rattle Their Sabres in Aceh, Indonesia and the West Listens Attentively

Recent reports of the legislative passing of hardline Islamic laws in the Aceh province of Indonesia, including the punishment of stoning for adultery, have unnerved Western observers who believe that basic human rights will be ignored under such a system. While the laws are severely flawed, a closer look at Acehnese and Indonesian political and legal structures reveals that such strict punishments under the system are legally impossible to achieve.

Indonesia is a country of over 230 million people, spread out amongst 17,000 islands and islets along an archipelago that stretches for more than 5,000 kilometres. The province of Aceh, lying at the archipelago’s most westward tip, is itself a diverse region, where some fifteen languages are spoken, and where, for the better part of 150 years, conflict and outright war have been the norm.

Islam came to Aceh in the 9th century. It has long been a unifying force throughout the country, but the Acehnese people in particular focus on Islam as a defining characteristic of their identity. As such, the creation of a system of Islamic law (Syariah in Bahasa-Indonesia) was a central factor of the peace plan agreed to by the Acehnese liberation group Gerakan Aceh Merdeka (GAM). However, it must be noted here that GAM was a purely secular movement, and that the achievement of Syariah was just one of many negotiation goals – and one that was proposed by the Indonesian…

Continue reading this entry ➔

Afghanistan – Reconciling State and Customary Legal Systems

Nearly 30 years of war and conflict in Afghanistan has left the country’s already weak legal system in total disarray. The question on the minds of many policy-makers, academics and politicians – both local and international – is how to structure a legal system conducive to stability and accountability. Afghanistan has never had a strong legal system. Officially, the country is a civilian jurisdiction, whose civil code is strongly influenced by Islamic law, particularly the Hanafi school of thought. The reality is that the country exhibits a complex relationship between civilian, Islamic, and – most significantly – customary Law (1). Rather than treating customary Law as an impediment to progress, it should be viewed in terms of its potential for creating greater inclusion into the overall legal system, particularly for rural Afghans.

Increasingly, recent scholarship on Afghanistan has suggested that the way forward for the country’s legal system is greater cooperation between state and customary laws (2). This assertion simply reflects the reality that most Afghans, particularly those in rural areas, have far more trust in legal mechanisms at the local level than at the state level. In a 2008 survey done by the Asian Foundation, less than half of respondents trusted state courts, versus customary mechanisms, which have the support of the overwhelming majority of respondents. As of 2007, up to 80% of legal claims were being handled by customary dispute…

Continue reading this entry ➔